Neither a tradition-specific journal of social ethics nor a tradition-neutral journal of philosophical ethics, the JRE offers serious ethical reflection set in the context of specific religious traditions and communities. The journal seeks to publish essays in three domains: studies in comparative religious ethics, considerations of foundational conceptual and methodological issues, and historical studies of influential figures and texts.
The Journal of Religious Ethics. Cite this Item. Read and download Log in through your school or library. James Juanillo poses with a chalk message written outside of his home in San Francisco, California on June 14, There are also White city, business and civic leaders who are pushing for deep racial change. Wasow cites officials in places like Minneapolis, Minnesota, who recently voted to "upzone" their city by passing zoning laws that allow the construction of more apartments.
He also cites the example of the New Jersey suburb of Mount Laurel, which once had zoning policies that excluded low-income families until a series of court battles forced the township to change its zoning laws to create more affordable housing.
Did this change result in plunging property values and crime-ridden schools? Not according to one highly touted study that was recently cited by the New York Times.
One Mount Laurel housing development, designed to attract more low-income people, has now blended in so seamlessly with the community that a decade later most of its neighbors in nearby subdivisions could not even name it, according to the book, " Climbing Mount Laurel. The benefits of school desegregation are also well-documented, says Delmont, the Dartmouth professor. He says that spreading educational resources around a metro area has been proven to improve that community.
He says there's also a selfish reason White parents should not fear racially integrated schools. Principal Sandra Soto of Public School -- an elementary school in Brooklyn -- addresses a gathering of parents in A pilot program let seven New York City elementary schools tweak their admissions policies to foster diversity by setting aside spots for low-income kids.
Some do it by blaming lower-class Whites for ongoing racism. They embrace a lifestyle of "White Middle-Class goodness" -- saying the right things about race and avoiding overt acts of racial hostility -- but use this goodness as a mechanism for deflecting responsibility and protecting their White status.
Many progressive Whites often aren't aware of this deflection, Sullivan says. They don't set out to intentionally exclude people of color from their public schools or neighborhoods. In her book, she says many of these attempts to protect their status "operate unconsciously but they nonetheless exist and are effective.
As Americans debate now about how to go forward, Sullivan says she prefers that her fellow White people focus on another word. I want to hear about things that restore communities that have been destroyed. I don't want to hear about how we make White people feel comfortable again. Justice, though, often means giving up some power or sharing resources.
That's a step many good White Americans have been unwilling to take. When was the last time you heard anyone talk openly about pursuing integration? Such racial optimism almost sounds quaint, like a relic from another era. Maybe the George Floyd protests will change that racial pessimism. It's inspiring to see the "Wall of White Mothers" braving rubber bullets and tear gas for racial justice. And yes, it's reassuring to see White people buy books like " How to be an Antiracist.
Anything is better than the racial hostility that was so pervasive before. In Philadelphia again saw white people organize to destroy Black schools, churches, meeting halls, and printing presses, and then finally Pennsylvania Hall. Over 10, white people gathered to destroy the hall, one of the grandest in the city. Pennsylvania Hall was newly built in with public funds and was meant to be a national center for abolitionism and equal rights.
Its upper floor had a beautiful auditorium that could seat 3, people. It had taken years of fund-raising by African Americans and sympathetic white people for the hall to be built, but it took just one night for it to be destroyed. An overwhelming majority of white men in Pennsylvania enthusiastically voted for the new Constitution.
Back in in Canterbury, Connecticut, the girls managed to escape their school when it was set on fire, but soon all African Americans in Connecticut were made to suffer. White lawyers and politicians in Connecticut saw to that.
A lawsuit brought against Prudence Crandall, director of the school, resulted in the highest court in Connecticut deciding that people of color, enslaved or free, were not citizens of the United States. White people could now pass any racist laws they pleased, including one making it illegal for any person of African descent to enter the state of Connecticut to be educated there.
While the s saw an intense period of this violence, white northerners had a long history of attempting to control the actions of Black people; they had been doing so since the colonial period when race-based slavery laws made all non-whites subjects of suspicion.
In the Rhode Island General Assembly not only recognized race-based slavery, but criminalized all Black people and American Indians when they wrote:. If any negroes or Indians either freemen, servants, or slaves, do walk in the street of the town of Newport, or any other town in this Collony, after nine of the clock of the night, without a certificate from their masters, or some English person of said family with them, or some lawfull excuse for the same, that it shall be lawfull for any person to take them up and deliver them to a Constable.
Northern slavery began to fall apart during the American Revolution, but the dissolution of race-based bondage was a long and protracted process and Black people were held in bondage in northern states well into the s.
Most northern states enacted Gradual Emancipation Laws to legally dismantle slaveholding; however, it was actions of Black people themselves —freedom suits, writing and publishing abolitionist pamphlets, petitioning, self-purchase, military service, flight and revolting— that made this a reality.
There was also a brief move towards equal rights. By the entire Northwest Territory Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Indiana, and Michigan as well as 10 of the 15 states had opened up the vote to all men regardless of the color of their skin. But white northerners, native- and foreign-born, resented the increasing free and growing Black population. And when African Americans dared to live like free people they were violently attacked. Skip to Main Content Skip to Search.
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